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Murder Story of Sarny Jews in the Forest in the Tutowicze Area

Murder Site
Tutowicze Area
Poland
A present-day view (as of 2009) of the murder site area
A present-day view (as of 2009) of the murder site area
Sheryl Bronkesh, USA, Copy YVA 14685539
According to one testimony, on Monday, August 24, 1942, an order was issued by Huala, the Gebietskommissar (regional commissar) of Sarny, requiring all the ghetto inmates to assemble in the ghetto within 3 days, ostensibly for registration. On the night of August 25-26, the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police and the German Gendarmerie surrounded the ghetto, and no one was sent out to perform forced labor on the next day; several inmates committed suicide. On the day after that, early in the morning the Ukrainian police and the Gendarmerie herded the ghetto inmates into the square on Barmacka Street, next to the bathhouse near the ghetto gate. By 5 AM, the people had been assembled in this area. Several gendarmes, under the command of Gendarmerie chief Albert Schuhmacher, were registering those who had shown up (i.e., the number of family members) by consulting a list drawn up in advance. It was apparently at this point, according to one testimony, that the town mayor, Ivan Mariniuk (according to another testimony, it was Krekel, the deputy of the Gebietskommissar, who was acting through the Judenrat), calmed the assembled people down, saying that they would be taken to the Poleska camp, where a selection would be carried out; the able-bodied inmates would be sent to work, while the others would be taken back to the ghetto. Then, at about 7 AM, the people, in groups of 300-500, were taken on foot (elderly and sick individuals were transported in carts), under an armed convoy of Ukrainian policemen and German gendarmes, to the Poleska camp on the northern outskirts of Sarny, which was fenced off with rows of barbed wire. Upon arriving in the camp, the people found out that, on August 25-26, the Ukrainian auxiliary policemen and German Gendarmes had also driven the entire Jewish population of the Sarny County to the camp. These new arrivals (more than 5,000 people) swelled the total Jewish population of the Poleska camp to about 14,000. The inmates were kept in poor conditions, being denied food and water. The murder operation began at 2 PM on August 27, 1942. The Jews from the town of Rokitno had to go first, being ordered to supply 500 people, who were then led (in groups of 150) to four pits that had been dug, according to a testimony, by members of the Organization Todt. The pits lay 1.5 kilometers northwest of the town of Sarny, at the edge of a young forest near the road leading to the village of Tutowicze. Upon reaching the murder site, the victims – men, women, children, and elderly people – were forced to strip naked and empty their pockets into a specially prepared box. They were then ordered to climb down into the pits in groups. Members of the Security Police and SD squad from Równe forced the victims to lie in rows, face down, inside the pit, whereupon they would shoot them in the head with machine guns. The little children were thrown alive into a separate pit. In this way, several rows of bodies were piled in one mass grave. Afterward, each pit was covered with chlorinated lime and buried under a layer of soil. Among the victims, there were some 100 Roma people, who died protesting that they were not Jews. One testimony indicates that several Jews were kept alive during the massacre, and were then ordered to search for valuables in the victims' clothing. This done, they were annihilated, as well. Some of the perpetrators of this shooting were men from the German Police Battalion 323 (which was subordinated to Security Division 68). A unit from this battalion, under the command of Unterführer Willi Meyer, killed 1,400 people with machine guns in the course of two days. The Gebietskommissar of the Sarny County, Kameradschaftsfuhrer Huala, was in charge of this murder operation, which lasted for two days – August 27 and August 28, 1942.
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Arie Turkenitz, who was born in 1926 and lived in Sarny during the war years, testifies:
… The ghetto is surrounded! Nobody comes, nobody goes! This was the first news [which the ghetto inmates received]… on Wednesday, August 26, [1942], about the gates and exits from the ghetto, which [previously] would usually be guarded by the [Jewish] ghetto policemen. [Now,] armed Ukrainian [auxiliary] policemen were stationed [around the ghetto]. There were some inmates [living] near the gates. During the [previous] night, they had sensed the unusual bustle, and several brave fellows tried to break through the encirclement ring and run away – they were either injured or killed. Naturally, no one went out to work on that day, and the entire ghetto was like a swarm of agitated bees. The night between that day and the day of the disaster, that was on Thursday, was a sleepless one, and only a handful of people slept that night.… We lived [in the ghetto] in front of the public bathhouse… and thus we could see all the ghetto Jews being taken toward the main gate of the ghetto, going from Barmacka Street out to the "Szeroka" (Broad) Street…. From that hour on, everything was conducted with typical German speed and efficiency. We were placed in rows of five, according to the list of families – 100 rows – and we were all led along "Broad" Street toward the Poleska [the Polish side of the town], while the Christian residents lined both sides of the street and watched us. Old and sick Jews were transported in carts. We crossed the railroad tracks and were placed inside the [Poleska] camp, which had been prepared in advance, and was already crammed with Jews from the nearby towns of Rokitno, Klesów, Dabrowica, and some other [towns]. In the camp, there were three barracks. … To the right of the camp stood a building that used to house the NKVD personnel during the Russian period. There was a machine gun there. Our situation was still unclear. Our hearts refused to believe that this was really the end. Different hypotheses were advanced: The Germans were about to transfer all of us to the labor camp in the barracks near Straszów, to work in the nearby woods and quarries. It was unthinkable that the Germans should liquidate, just like that, the people who were working for them and bringing them profit. The Jews from the [nearby] towns, who had been brought to the camp before us, were in a bad shape, without food and water.… With the arrival of the Jews of Sarny in the camp, the Germans began to summon the Jews of the surrounding towns, in a specific order, and lead them in large groups toward the forest that lay on the road to the Jewish cemetery. Afterward, we began to hear dim echoes of gunfire and explosions. The truth of the matter became clear to us. There were some who tossed their gold and valuables into the latrines in the camp, while others cut their new clothes, to prevent the Germans from deriving any benefit from them.… (By the way, some Roma people were placed in the camp together with us. They brought in images of their saints – [e.g.,] the Holy Mother, etc. – believing that this would make the [Germans] treat them better. But it didn't help them. They were taken toward the forest together with the groups [of Jews] from Rokitno...).
Yosef Kariv, ed., Book of Remembrance of the Community of Sarny, Jerusalem, 1961, pp. 318-320 (in Hebrew).
Pinkhas Neumann, who lived in Sarny during the war years, testifies:
The order for the people [i.e., the inmates of the Sarny Ghetto] to assemble was given on Monday, August 24, [1942]… [stating] that everyone was to show up for registration in 3 days' time. Several hours later, Neumann came. He was a lawyer from [the city of] Kalisz [i.e., a refugee from Nazi-occupied Poland], and he served as secretary of our Judenrat, since he knew German well.… Neumann was notified about the registration, and he announced it at the Judenrat meeting. People began to suspect that what the [Germans] had in mind was much more serious than a mere registration. It was decided to approach the Gebietskommissar [Huala]. Thus, [the members of the Judenrat] approached him and offered him a certain sum of money in gold. To this end, [the Judenrat members] were forced to issue a confiscation order to every Jew who had some gold [or] merchandise (such as textile, etc.), which could be found in the possession of many Jews. Following this operation, only gold remained, since the entire amount that had been collected was not delivered to the Gebietskommissar. The [Judenrat] representatives came to convince him to agree that, since they had been unable to collect the total amount of gold that he had demanded, they would make up for the deficit with Ukrainian currency, which would be paid to him in monthly installments over several months. We [the ghetto inmates] were happy to hear about this kind of arrangement, assuming that it meant that we would be granted a stay of execution. We thought that, if the Gebietskommissar agreed to split the "debt"… into several months, this would be a good sign. He [the Gebietskommissar] went so far as to say to those who came to him: "As long as I am the Gebietskommissar of Sarny, nothing will happen to you."… In his attempt to convince the Jews that they were not in any danger, he said: "If we wanted to do something to you, we would close down the ghetto right away." Eventually, on the day when the exit from the ghetto was sealed (and this was already on Thursday morning in the same week), all the gold that was in the money box of the Judenrat was delivered, as a gift, to the Gebietskommissar. He [for his part] reiterated his promise that the people would be taken away only to be registered, that they would then be returned to their homes, and that nothing bad would happen to them. He took the gold – but, despite his promises, the ghetto was sealed, and events took their course. Back on Wednesday, the [Jewish] people from [the nearby towns of] Dabrowica, Klesów, and Rokitno had been taken to the [Poleski] concentration site, which was surrounded with barbed wire. The Germans were taking [these people] in large groups from the concentration site to a [nearby] grove, dividing them into smaller groups, and bringing each group, separately, close to the… pit. There, the people were ordered to take off their outer garments and strip down to their underwear. A special box stood near the place [i.e., the shooting site], into which the people… deposited the contents of their pockets – various objects, pieces of jewelry, and money. The undressed people were forced to climb down into the pit and lie on their stomachs, face down. In this position, they were shot by the murderers, who used automatic pistols. The Germans had chosen this method [of execution] to avoid noise. And, indeed, it was hard to hear the pistol shots from the concentration site, because of the noise that prevailed there [at the concentration site], as a result of the overcrowding, under horrible conditions, of thousands of men, women and children. There was a German guard stationed next to the box, and he was guarding the loot…
Yosef Kariv, ed., Book of Remembrance of the Community of Sarny, Jerusalem, 1961, pp. 320-321 (in Hebrew).
Tutowicze Area
forest
Murder Site
Poland
51.277;27.215
A present-day view (as of 2009) of the murder site area
A present-day view (as of 2009) of the murder site area
Sheryl Bronkesh, USA, Copy YVA 14685539
A sketch of the murder site area drawn by the ChGK
A sketch of the murder site area drawn by the ChGK
GARF, MOSCOW R-7021-71-70 copy YVA M.33 / JM/19976